Posts Tagged ‘access to justice’

Today, Americans headed to the polls for a variety of local and statewide elections, exercising the franchise that is at the heart of American democracy.  Many media accounts have detailed how a last-minute flood of secret outside money fueled campaigns in states like Ohio and Iowa. Some of it comes from the very organization for which the Supreme Court’s decision to allow unlimited corporate contributions is named, Citizens United v Federal Election Commission.

Aside: if you’ve read this far and the mere mention of that case makes you apoplectic, then RSVP right now for one of tomorrow night’s organizing parties geared at overturning it. Or sign up to host one! It’s definitely not too late; we’re at well over 200 gatherings and growing!

Flickr image by steakpinball

One thing that doesn’t get covered as much in that conversation, and which I’ll now briefly spotlight: how Citizens United has changed the playing field when it comes to judicial elections. It’s a trend that fuels the very corrosion of our democracy that the Supreme Court in Citizens United brushed aside, something that “We, the People” now must rectify.

The Brennan Center for Justice at NYU School of Law documented how this has played out in a report, The New Politics of Judicial Elections: 2009-2010. The report was published last month, in partnership with the Justice at Stake Campaign and the National Institute of Money in State Politics. Essentially, the report boils down to this: in states where the judiciary is subject to popular election or to “retention” votes, a flood of special-interest money has increasingly politicized what the Framers envisioned as our least political branch of government.

As the report details, judicial retention elections in places like Iowa, rarely the site of pitched battles in the past, have moved toward becoming high-dollar battlegrounds flush with outside special-interest money. More broadly, 2009-2010 became the highest-spending cycle in history, by far, on all judicial election campaigns.  The Brennan Center carefully and persuasively traces this all to a “coalescing national campaign that seeks to intimidate America’s state judges into becoming accountable to money and ideologies instead of the constitution and the law.”

In his keynote address at Public Citizen’s 40th Anniversary Gala last month, journalist Bill Moyers quoted an eminent historian of the American Revolution, Gordon Wood, about how American democracy paved the way for others after it “by creating a prosperous free society belonging to obscure people with their workaday concerns and their pecuniary pursuits of happiness.” (Those words speak me in particular because I had the privilege of taking two of Professor Wood’s lecture courses when I was in college.)

Wood’s words also speak to me, as they did to Moyers, because they sum up the notion that “We the People” are the fundamental creators and beneficiaries of American democracy, with judges serving as the trusted mechanism for honestly interpreting our laws and Constitution. It’s that theme that animates the Brennan Center’s criticism of post-Citizens-United spending on judicial elections, and of just what that means for our democracy.

I’m currently reading Professor Wood’s latest book, a collection of essays and speeches titled The Idea of Liberty: Reflections on the Birth of the United States. In his essay on “The Making of American Democracy,” Wood notes that in our recent history “Many Americans became concerned with large and unequal campaign contributions precisely because they seemed to negate the effects of equal suffrage and violate the equality of participation in the political process.”

We can now add to that list of concern, sadly, the undermining of the very judiciary that so often serves as a critical backstop on behalf of the Constitution and the law. Judges are subject to the same troubling leverage as members of the other two branches of government under the post-Citizens-United regime. The threats of spending on their opponents, their non-retention in office, and even politically-motivated calls to impeach them—all of the above are documented in this latest report, and undermine the independent judiciary’s vital role.

It doesn’t have to be this way. Our democratic society, rooted in the people, remains despite this corrosion on elections and on the judiciary, and it has an essential mechanism by which to reassert itself: amending the Constitution to prevent corporate control of our elections.

So read the full report on judicial elections if you’ve got a few minutes. Reflect on what this means for the vote you may have just cast today. And then dry your eyes, and join a house party tomorrow.

Sean Siperstein is a Legal Fellow with the Democracy is For People campaign.

"taylor lincoln" You might remember that during the health care debate, many opponents of reform blamed medical malpractice litigation for our soaring health care costs and burgeoning numbers of uninsured.

“Prevent the lawsuits,” they essentially said, “and our health care problems will solve themselves.”

One of their chief exhibits was the state of Texas, which imposed some of the strictest liability caps in the country in 2003 and, in the critics’ imaginations, had experienced wondrous results. For instance, Rep. Michele Bachmann (R-Minn.) said, “the state of Texas did a wonderful job of lawsuit reform and actually saw medical costs come down.”

We decided to take a look at what really has happened in the Lone Star state since it imposed a $250,000 cap on doctors’ liability for non-economic damages and immunized emergency room doctors except in cases of “wanton” negligence.

What we found is that the reality is the opposite of the rhetoric.

First, as the tort reform crowd hoped, litigation did go way down. Payments for malpractice are down 65 percent since 2003 and nearly 75 percent if corrected for inflation and population growth.

But regular Texans have not received any of the benefits they were promised in exchange for giving up their legal rights.

Medicare spending in the state has increased faster than the national average on a per-enrollee basis, meaning the increases are not connected to Texas’s rising population.

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A product malfunctions causing severe injury to your eight year old son. A corporation lays off your neighbor without reason after thirty years of service and age discrimination is suspected. The scenarios in which you or someone you know and care about may need to go to court are limitless, as are the potential consequences if H.R. 966 gets passed.

The House Judiciary Committee just approved the “Lawsuit Abuse Reduction Act,” H.R. 966 AKA “LARA.”

Unfortunately, for anyone who cares about justice or about wise uses of their taxpayer dollars, H.R. 966 is yet another example of bills to add to the long list of “Clear Skies” and other let’s-call-this-bill-the-exact-opposite-of-what-it-actually-is-bills.

If the title wasn’t bad enough, the bill by Rep. Lamar Smith and Senator Charles Grassley, who sponsored the Senate version, S. 533, is deceptively cloaked in technical terms. What better way for Congressional lawmakers to slip this past ordinary citizens (the ones who will be at an even greater disadvantage if LARA moves forward as feared).

Here is the scoop: HR 966 revises a procedural rule – commonly called Rule 11. The old Rule 11, which was implemented in the 1980s, was typically used as a tactic by corporate defendants to prolong and create sidebar litigLARA "House Judiciary"ation, distracting attention away from the real claims in lawsuits and increasing the costs of already-expensive litigation.

A judicial advisory committee reviewed several empirical studies and judicial surveys and found not only that the rule encouraged additional unnecessary litigation, but also that the incidence of motions for sanctions and court orders was higher in civil rights cases than in some other types of cases. It was also discovered that sanctions were sought more frequently against claimants than against defendants. In other words, the old Rule 11 as written made it easy for corporate lawyers to create expensive procedural hoops, which the claimants (ordinary citizens like you and me) would have to jump through. While corporations with teams of lawyers may have the time and resources to stay in court indefinitely, others do not.

After these and other problems came to light, Rule 11 was revised in 1993 to give judges more discretion to address the issues as they see fit, and the new revisions alleviated the burdens on the courts. In a recent survey on the newer rule, more than 80 percent of federal trial judges said that “the rule is needed and it is just right as it now stands.”

Fast-forward now to 2011 and I find myself sitting in a hearing on LARA where I cannot help but wonder why the House Judiciary Committee is so dead-set on removing federal judges’ ability to exercise their judgment in deciding whether to impose punishment for unnecessary court filings and on eliminating lawyers’ ability to correct or withdraw filings with the court if they are not well grounded in fact or law.

The judiciary as well as consumer, employment and civil rights groups oppose HR 966 because it will take us back to a place where we should not care to return. But it looks like some members in Congress are determined to live in the past.

Christine Hines is Public Citizen’s Consumer and Civil Justice Counsel
Follow her on Twitter @Chines_citizen
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Forced arbitration affects almost all consumers of goods and services and millions of employees who sign contracts where the fine print eliminates their right to seek justice in court. Yet forced arbitration remains an issue largely unknown to the public. That may change soon. Filmmaker Susan Saladoff through her documentary film “Hot Coffee,” presents gripping accounts of the ongoing corporate campaign to restrict individuals’ right to a civil jury trial, including Stella Liebeck’s story, which also inspired the film’s title.

Most Americans have heard of Stella Liebeck. She was the 79-year-old woman who in 1992 sought and won compensation in court in a case against McDonald’s Corp. after suffering third-degree burns on her groin, inner thighs and buttocks when the company’s too-hot coffee which was heated at dangerously high temperatures spilled onto her lap. Due to the distortions and false rumors that soon became conventional wisdom – no, she was not racing down a highway while trying to sip her coffee – Liebeck’s case became a symbol for so-called “tort reform,” or corporate efforts to give big businesses near-immunity from liability.

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Chances are, one of the most dangerous things you will ever do is stay overnight at a hospital.

If that sounds alarmist, it’s because the numbers are truly alarming: A recent study of Medicare participants found that, in a single month, one of every 17 hospital patients was injured or killed by a preventable medical error. Many more Americans are hurt by unsafe drugs and medical devices.

Given the staggering injury and death rate, it’s shocking that some members of Congress want to shield from accountability those in the medical field who are responsible for harm.

They’re pushing H.R. 5, and overreaching bill that would immunize practically the entire medical industry from responsibility when their defective products or services hurt people. If it passes, the costs of medical mistakes would shift from the negligent actors to injured patients, their families, and taxpayer-funded health and disability programs.

Only an extremely small number of doctors are responsible for most medical errors. Just 5 percent are responsible for more than half of all medical errors. Those doctors should be held responsible for their actions – not given a free pass. The same goes for drug companies and medical device manufacturers.

Instead of attacking patients’ rights, Congress should focus on improving patient safety and reducing deaths and injuries. H.R. 5 does neither. But Public Citizen’s research has shown that 10 basic safety measures would save, conservatively, $35 billion and 85,000 lives a year.

Urge your representative to oppose H.R. 5.

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