Archive for the ‘Financial Reform’ Category

"Bart Naylor" "Financial policy reform"This month, a House subcommittee and possibly the entire House will consider a passel of bills to repeal several reforms that Congress approved in the 2010 Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform Act.

Sponsors will parade the bills as technical corrections, non-controversial, or important for the economy.

Untrue, untrue, and untrue.

Here are brief summaries of these bills along with questions that members who are wary of their true impact might raise in committee hearings or during floor debate.

HR 634: The Business Risk Mitigation and Price Stabilization Act

This bill would forbid Wall Street banks from requiring “margin” for swaps if their gambling partner is a small business or bank. Margin here plays the same role as good faith money. If you bet a banker $100 that the Washington Nationals will beat the San Francisco Giants, he’ll want to see at least $10 on the table to make this bet real. And if the score is 10-0 Giants in the eighth inning, he’ll want to see another, say, $50 on the table in “variation” margin. Requiring no margin might be acceptable for smaller bets. But what about a $1,000 bet? Some limits may be required. That’s prudent banking.

Wall Street argues that requiring margin would squander Main Street capital that could be better used elsewhere. Main Street can benefit from derivatives as hedges, such as locking in a price for fuel. But hedges cost money. Banks can only engage in swaps because the national bank regulator interpreted them as the functional equivalent of a loan. No prudently managed bank could or should offer a loan or a hedge “for free.” In fact, as MIT Professor John Parsons explains, no bank does. Those swaps without explicit margins cost more in price—like a mortgage without points, but at a higher interest rate.

A question for this bill’s backers: If requiring margin from Main Street clients for swaps contracts ties up capital, should banks be prevented from charging periodic interest on commercial loans, and instead simply ask for repayment with interest at the end?

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Photo of Public Citizen financial policy council Micah HauptmanWhen the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB) wanted to hear from the public about private student loan affordability, Public Citizen’s members and supporters responded in full force!

More than 18,000 Public Citizen activists sent comments, decrying Wall Street’s over-financialization of our educational system and calling out the corporate predators that have trapped students in cycles of debt to reap millions of dollars in ill-gotten gains. Many commented specifically on forced arbitration clauses and class-action bans that lenders stick into the fine-print language of student loan contracts, which prevent borrowers from going to court to hold their lenders accountable for predatory lending and other harmful industry practices.

Here are just a few of the public comments our members and supporters sent to the CFPB:

  • “I am permanently burdened, I can never stop working. I feel enslaved.”—a 71 year old woman who borrowed $40,000 in the early nineties to fund her master’s education. Since taking out her loans, the loan amount ballooned to $140,000. Now, a portion of her pay is garnished.
  • “In my 50 years as a lawyer, judge, and alternative dispute resolution provider, I am convinced that compulsory arbitration … is too often fundamentally unfair… A class action suit empowers the powerless which is precisely why the lenders want to jam arbitration and class action waivers down student throats.”

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"Craig Holman"We urge Congress to resume the legislative effort to shine a light on the activities of Wall Street consultants and lobbyists who lurk on Capitol Hill seeking valuable information they can use to cash in on the stock market. Today, the Government Accountability Office issued its long-awaited report on how this “political intelligence” industry operates in the shadows for the benefit of itself and its paying clients.

When Congress approved the “Stop Trading on Congressional Knowledge” (STOCK) Act last year, making it clear for the first time that the laws against insider trading apply to Congress as well as the public, one key provision was left on the cutting room floor: a requirement that financial operatives and lobbyists who make a business trading on information gleaned from congressional sources disclose their activities and clients to the public.

At the time of the law’s passage, many in Congress seemed unclear about what the political intelligence industry is and how it operates. So Congress replaced the political-intel disclosure provision with a mandate for a congressional study on whether there is a problem.

That mandated study became public today, and it shows that there is indeed a problem.

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"Bart Naylor" "Financial policy reform"Standard Chartered Bank violated money-laundering laws. The fifth-largest British bank, and 41st largest in the world, laundered an awful lot of money (at least $250 billion, to be precise).

On Dec. 10, 2012, the U.S. government penalized it with a $327 million fine – a paltry amount, considering the societal consequences of the crime and the zeal with which the government pursues financial criminals whose offenses are similar, yet on a far smaller scale.

Why does it matter so very much if banks comply with laws against money laundering? Think about meth-addicted teenagers. Recall the horrors of September 11, 2001. Consider a political dissident rotting in a Burmese jail. Stopping the money flow, the laundering, behind such horrible problems is among the methods that the government deploys to combat them.

If drug sale proceeds from Philadelphia can’t be wired back to Mexican drug lords via our banking system, drug sales can be limited at the outset. Similarly, international terrorists depend on money flows. The September 11 terrorists used American ATM machines, with accounts stocked from abroad.

The Bank Secrecy Act requires banks to close their doors to money-launderers. This law provides several mechanisms, such as requiring customers to identify their source of funds, or completing transaction reports for large cash deposits or withdrawals.

On March 5, 2013, Standard Chartered Bank Chair John Peace minimized his firm’s violation of criminal money laundering laws on a call with stock investors as “clerical errors.”

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Below is a photograph of the senior JPMorgan witnesses testifying before the Senate Permanent Subcommittee On Investigations on Friday, March 15. They oversaw the loss of more than $6 billion in depositor funds. This loss dramatized many issues, including the need to return banks to safe lending to the real economy as opposed to risky speculation on meaningless gambles. The loss also showed that some banks are too big to manage, as JPMorgan was considered well managed before this major loss. And the loss also showed that the bank is too big and complex to oversee.

photograph from JPMorgan "London Whale" hearing

These witnesses answered questions for about three hours from Sen. Carl Levin, (D-Mich), who chairs the subcommittee; Sen. John McCain (R-Az), the ranking Republican, and Sen. Ron Johnson (R-Wisc), among others. In the foreground is Peter Weiland, former JPMorgan risk manager. In the far back is Ina Drew, former chief investment officer.

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